Medical Disclosure Riles Professor

Thomas P. Stossel, a professor at Harvard Medical School and member of the Board of Trustees of the corporate-funded American Council on Science and Health (ACSH), accuses medical journals and regulators requiring conflict of interest statements from doctors of bowing to "preaching by anti-business activists." "Medical journals waste space on meaningless compilations of who receives what payments from companies and dubious 'social science research' purporting to prove that most doctors lack the intelligence or character to be wary of promotional claims," Stossel complained. Kirby Lee, from the University of California, San Francisco disagrees. "Such requirements may frustrate clinicians and researchers but, in doing so, will help to ensure the safety and welfare of the public, uphold scientific integrity, and preserve trust," she responded. "And when you become the patient, wouldn't you want to be assured that medical decisions are made in your best interest?"

I didn't know whether to post this here on this thread, in Freedom from Fascism, Gore's Inconvenient Truth, or the Goings on in the Middle East threads, as they are all inter-related.

Who is this Koch Industries, who gave away $1.5 million dollars to political campaigns in 2002 alone (93% to Republicans)?

Koch Industries, Inc. based in Wichita, Kansas, is the largest privately owned company in the world by revenue, with subsidiaries involved in manufacturing, trading and investments. Koch companies are involved in core industries such as commodities trading, petroleum, chemicals, energy, fiber, intermediates and polymers, minerals, chemical fertilizers, pulp and paper, chemical technology equipment, pesticides, ranching, securities and finance, as well as in other ventures and investments. It has an annual turnover of about $80 billion.

Koch also supports Americans for Prosperity, formed as a successor to Citizens for a Sound Economy. Rich Fink, a Koch executive vice president, is a member of the board of directors of Americans for Prosperity. Previously he served as president of Citizens for a Sound Economy.

In 1989, the US Senate Committee on Investigations stated, "Koch Oil, a subsidiary of Koch Industries, is the most dramatic example of an oil company stealing by deliberate mismeasurement and fraudulent reporting." (Palast p.150) During the Clinton administration, Koch was charged with 315 acts of pollution, especially at its Pine Bend Refinery facility in Rosemount, Minnesota. Koch Industries denied the allegations, but the cases were settled in January 2000 for $35 million in fines.

In another instance, Koch was charged with 97 counts of covering up evidence in the case of a benzene spill in Corpus Christi, Texas. The government sought fines as high as $350 million. Four of its employees were also charged with criminal offenses in the case, facing up to 35 years in prison. In 2000, the Justice Department reduced the number of counts from 97 to 11 to nine to seven.


Just before the case went to trial - only three months after the Bush administration took office - the Justice Department dropped the remaining seven counts and settled the case for $20 million. Koch pled guilty to one count of concealing evidence, which they had self-reported in 1996, and the criminal charges against the employees were dropped. (Center for Public Integrity -- Williams et al., July 2004)

The Koch brothers also operate the Koch Family Foundations, a major source of funding for conservative and libertarian political causes in the United States, including think tanks such as the Cato Institute. (Their father helped found the John Birch Society. ) David's political activism also includes running as the vice presidential nominee of the United States Libertarian Party in 1980, when he and running mate Edward Clark finished fourth with 921,299 votes.

The point being that Koch, who is one of the worlds worse polluters and whose holdings are almost entirely in oil, literally runs the CATO Institute . They employ a single climatologist, Patrick J. Michaels who is senior fellow in environmental studies at Cato Institute and the former state climatologist for the Commonwealth of Virginia -- . the only climatologist to challenge that greenhouse gas emissions have anything to do with global warming. Now what is a non-research climatologist who doesnt even have a laboratory doing working for a partisan oil company under the guise of a tax write off non-profit think tank and why should we believe him? Yes, he contradicts the government climatologists (including NASA, NOAA, and the National Academy of Sciences) as well as virtually all independent real scientific researchers here and abroad. In short this is sheer Koch. The only people who could believe this Koch and Bull arent thinking for themselves.

And who is on the CATO Institute, besides ex-Fox News columnists? One is the aforementioned Patrick J. Michaels, a senior fellow in environmental studies at Cato Institute and state climatologist for the Commonwealth of Virginia, along with other Republican PR agencies?

Clyde Wayne Crews, Jr. (Director of Technology Policy), currently Vice President for Policy at the Competitive Enterprise Institute
Terry Kibbe (Director of Development), currently Vice President for Development at the Competitive Enterprise Institute
Thomas P. Miller (Director of Health Policy Studies), currently Senior Health Economist at the U.S. Congress' Joint Economic Committee
Steven Milloy (adjunct scholar), columnist for Fox News
Solveig Singleton (Director of Information Studies), currently Senior Adjunct Fellow at the Progress and Freedom Foundation [8]
R.J. Smith (Director of Environmental Policy), currently Senior Fellow at the National Center for Public Policy Research

Yes, Steve Milloy is the man who runs Junkscience.com. They believe not only that CO2 is life (coimpetitive Enterprise Inst.) , but DDT is a weapon of mass survival! Letsee Koch, CATO, Fox News, Junk science.com duh follow the money. There is no integrity in lies and the lie of the hour is that big oil wants everyone to believe that what is good for the petrochemical industry is good for the world! Duhh

Oil, Coal, and National Gas as the History of Koch:
1940: Fred Koch co-founds Wood River Oil and Refining Company.
1946: The company acquires Rock Island Oil & Refining Co. in Oklahoma.
1959: The company changes name to Rock Island Oil & Refining.
1959: Fred Koch purchases 35% equity position in Great Northern Oil Company in St. Paul MN, sight-unseen.
1967: Koch's death prompts the company, now led by Charles Koch, to be named Koch Industries in honor of its co-founder.
1969: Charles Koch and J. Howard Marshall II pool equity positions to obtain majority of Great Northern Oil Company. After 100% equity was obtained, the refinery was renamed Koch Refining.
1977: Koch acquires 100% of equity in Abcor and later renamed it as Koch Membrane Systems in 1985
1981: The company acquires refinery in Corpus Christi, Texas, from Sun Oil.
1986: The company acquires the C. Reiss Coal Company.
1989: The company purchases the assets of the John Zink Company.
1992: The company acquires United Gas Pipeline.
1993: Elf Asphalt is acquired.
1997: The company acquires Delhi Group.
1998: Purina Mills is acquired.
1998: The company forms KoSa after acquiring 50 percent ownership of Hoechst's polyester division.
2000: A U.S. Bankruptcy court cancelled out all equity in Purina held by Koch, in order to maintain Purina's viability.
2001: The company partners with Entergy Corporation to form the limited partnership Entergy-Koch, which includes Koch's United Gas Pipeline subsidiary.
2004: Koch acquires the INVISTA fibers and resins business from DuPont. Entergy-Koch is sold.
2005: Koch acquires Georgia-Pacific, its largest acquisition ever, and surpasses Cargill as the largest privately owned U.S. company.
Data from wikipedia and CATO Institute

Lotsa dishonesty going on here -- you gotta be able to read between the lines.

JAI MA!

Competitive Enterprise Institute/Competitive Enterprise Institute And Global Warming

From SourceWatch

The Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI) has been one of the main groups opposing action by the U.S. government to curb greenhouse gas emissions. CEI has been well funded for this work by companies such as ExxonMobil.

CEI's Campaign on Global Warming

One of the early CEI projects on global warming was its involvement in the Cooler Heads Coalition, which was chaired by former CEI director Marlo Lewis and directed by Myron Ebell, CEI's Director of Global Warming and International Environmental Policy.

The Cooler Heads Coalition was formed on May 6, 1997, "to dispel the myths of global warming by exposing flawed economic, scientific and risk analysis." In March 2001, the nonprofit Clean Air Trust named Ebell its "clean air villain of the month," citing his "ferocious lobbying charge to persuade President Bush to reverse his campaign pledge to control electric utility emissions of carbon dioxide."

CEI was also active in opposing the 1997 international global warming negotiations in Kyoto. CEI staff including Fred Smith, James Sheehan, Jonathan Adler and Marlo Lewis featured prominently in a list of "experts" provided to reporters by the industry-funded Global Climate Coalition. "The campaign against the 1997 Kyoto global warming treaty waged by right-wing think tanks has been another area where corporate America has heavily invested in right-wing policy groups that advance its interest" noted author David Callahan in 1999."The Competitive Enterprise Institute has been a particularly aggressive advocate of the notion that global warming is a 'theory not a fact."

CEI's activism on global warming continued in 1998, with its executive director, Marlo Lewis, Jr., appearing before the Small Business Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives to testify against proposed regulatory action that would have reduced the risk of climate change. "Where per capita energy consumption is high, per capita income is also high; and where per capita energy consumption is low, per capita income is also low. Thus, if we are to rescue mankind from the perils of poverty, we must dramatically increase global energy consumption. We must push down on the accelerator," Lewis testified. "Inflating 'Safety First!' from a mere rule of thumb into a categorical imperative ... is a recipe for paralysis and stagnation, perhaps the riskiest condition of all."

In October 1998, CEI staff figured prominently in a press advisory sent to reporters by the conservative Media Research Center, offering them as "credible sources" who can show that "many scientists are skeptical of climate change theories," "a warmer earth may be a prosperous earth," "global warming policies would harm the US economy," and "the Kyoto protocol could undermine US national security." In October 2000, CEI sued the Clinton administration over a National Assessment on Climate Change produced by the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. A news release announcing the lawsuit claimed that various procedural rules had been violated during the process of developing the report, labeling it "junk science" and a "$14 million compilation of global warming scare stories."

CEI's Television Ads

"The Competitive Enterprise Institute has produced two 60-second television spots focusing on the alleged global warming crisis and the calls by some environmental groups and politicians for reduced energy use. The ads are airing in 14 U.S. cities from May 18 to May 28, 2006." The ads say that ice is actually thickening and that CO2 is a good thing.

"These television ads are a deliberate effort to confuse and mislead the public about the global warming debate," said Curt Davis, director of the Center for Geospatial Intelligence at the University of Missouri-Columbia and author of the research in a May 19 news release. "They are selectively using only parts of my previous research to support their claims. They are not telling the entire story to the public."

On May 26, 2006, FactCheck.org, a project of the Annenberg Public Policy Center of the University of Pennsylvania issued an analysis of the ads, "Scientist to CEI: You Used My Research To 'Confuse and Mislead'." FactCheck describes itself as "nonpartisan, nonprofit, "consumer advocate" for voters that aims to reduce the level of deception and confusion in U.S. politics."

Exxon's Cash Pipeline to CEI

Exxonsecrets.org lists Exxon's funding of CEI, based on data released by the company itself, as totalling $2,005,000 since 1998. [9] The specific year-by-year fugures are:

• 1998: $85,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving
• 2000: $230,000 ExxonMobil Foundation
• 2001: $280,000 ExxonMobil Foundation
• 2002: $205,000 ExxonMobil Foundation: This was identified as being for "50K congressional briefing program, 140K general operating support, 60K legal activities";
• 2002: $200,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving' This was identified as "140K general operating support, 60K for legal activities;"
• 2003: $25,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving for "Annual Dinner"
• 2003: $440,000 ExxonMobil Foundation for "General Operating Support";
• 2004: $90,000 ExxonMobil Foundation for "General Operating Support"
• 2004: $90,000 ExxonMobil Foundation for "Global Climate Change"
• 2004: $90000 ExxonMobil Foundation for "Global Climate Change Outreach"
• 2005: $90,000 ExxonMobil Foundation for "General Operating Support"
• 2005: $180,000 ExxonMobil Corporate Giving for "General Operating Support"

External Links

• David Callahan, "The Think Tank as Flack," Washington Monthly, Vol. 31, No. 11, November 1, 1999, p. 21. Historical overview and analysis of the rise of corporate-funded think tanks as PR vehicles for corporate interests.
• Lisa DePasquale, "CEI to Launch Ads Exposing Truth about Gore's Movie," Townhall.com, May 16, 2006.
• Competitive Enterprise Institute, ""CEI Launches Ad Campaign to Counter Global Warming Alarmism; Television Ads to Air in 14 U.S. Cities and on www.cei.org,", News Release, May 17, 2006. (Thus is a news release carried by US Newswire).
• Faiz Shakir, "Big Oil Launches Attack On Al Gore," Think Progress, May 17, 2006.
• Josh Marshall, "Big oil astroturf group, Competitive Enterprise Institute, launches new attack on Al Gore," Talking Points Memo, May 17, 2006.
• Judd Legum, "CEI Founder on Global Warming: 'It Looks Pretty Good… We're Moving To A More Benign Planet'," Think Progress, May 17, 2006.
• Eric Pfeiffer, "Ads aired to answer Gore film 'alarmism'," Washington Times, May 18, 2006.
• Joel Achenbach, "The Tempest: As evidence mounts that humans are causing dangerous changes in Earth's climate, a handful of skeptics are providing some serious blowback", The Washington Post Magazine, May 28, 2006.

The Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI) is a advocacy group based in Washington DC. It calls itself "a non-profit, non-partisan research and advocacy institute dedicated to the principles of free enterprise and limited government. We believe that individuals are best helped not by government intervention, but by making their own choices in a free marketplace."

Until August 2007 CEI's website CEI stated that it served "as both a think tank-creating intellectual ammunition to support free markets-and an advocacy organization-putting that ammunition to use in persuasive ways."

It postures as an advocate of "sound science" in the development of public policy. However, CEI projects dispute the overwhelimng scientific evidence that human induced greenhouse gas emissions are driving climate change. They have a program for "challenging government regulations", push property rights as a solution to environment problems, opposed US vehicle fuel efficiency standards and been a booster for the drug industry.

Alliances

CEI belongs to various conservative alliances, including the Alliance for America, Get Government Off Our Backs, Townhall.com, the National Consumer Coalition (a pro-corporate front group headed by Frances B. Smith, the wife of CEI founder Fred Smith), and the Environmental Education Working Group (EEWG), a national umbrella group for organizations working to undermine environmental education in schools. It is linked to the UK-based rightwing think tank, the International Policy Network, via shared staff and an identical US contact address. It also sponsors several other subsidiary organizations, including:

• The Center for Private Conservation, a green-sounding front group that opposes environmental regulations by claiming that "free market" solutions work better.
• The Cooler Heads Coalition, chaired by former CEI director Marlo Lewis and directed by Myron Ebell, CEI's Director of Global Warming and International Environmental Policy. The Cooler Heads Coalition was formed on May 6, 1997, "to dispel the myths of global warming by exposing flawed economic, scientific and risk analysis." In March 2001, the nonprofit Clean Air Trust named Ebell its "clean air villain of the month," citing his "ferocious lobbying charge to persuade President Bush to reverse his campaign pledge to control electric utility emissions of carbon dioxide."
• Michael Sanera's Center for Environmental Education Research, based in Washington, D.C.

History

CEI was founded in March 1984. In 1986, it began its "free market legal program," which seeks to overturn government regulations that the CEI regards as inappropriate, such as regulations pertaining to drug safety, rent control, and automobile fuel efficiency (see the case study, Fuel efficiency standards and the laws of physics).

By 1992, CEI's annual budget had reached $765,000. That year it helped coordinate "Earth Summit Alternatives" to counter the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, generating anti-environmental commentary that appeared on the MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour, National Review, Washington Times, Detroit News, Investor's Daily, Inside EPA's Clean Air Report, CNBC, C-SPAN, CBS Radio and Voice of America. It also published its first book, titled Environmental Politics.

In 1992, Jonathan Adler, CEI's director of environmental studies, wrote Implementing the U.S. Clean Air Act in Arizona in conjunction with the Barry Goldwater Institute for Public Policy Research, a small think tank headed by Michael Sanera, a former professor of political science at Northern Arizona University and an adjunct scholar at the conservative Heritage Foundation. The following year they wrote another report "Reforming Arizona's Air Pollution Policy".

In 1994 CEI began working on a book with the Alabama Family Alliance and the Arizona Institute for Public Policy Research (also founded and headed by Sanera). Tentatively titled An Environmental Primer for Parents: How to Talk to Your Children About Environmental Issues, the book was eventually published under the title Facts Not Fear, with Sanera and Jane S. Shaw listed as the authors. It claims that environmental education in the classroom is a politicized effort to indoctrinate kids into becoming activists. Sanera was also instrumental in gutting a previously strong environmental education mandate in Arizona. He and CEI have become leading forces behind an ongoing, industry-funded campaign to eliminate funding for environmental education throughout the United States.

In 1995, CEI joined several other think tanks in attacking Our Stolen Future, the book about environmental endocrine disruptors by Theo Colborn, Dianne Dumanoski and Peter Myer. Just prior to the book's release, CEI released two separate studies belittling "the hypothetical risks to human health" discussed in Colborn's book. On the same day that CEI's reports came out, Consumer Alert (run by Frances B. Smith, the wife of CEI founder Fred Smith) issued its own news release labeling the book "a scaremongering tract."

In March 1996, CEI's Michelle Malkin and Michael Fumento published "Rachel's Folly," which claims that dioxin is good for you. CEI's Jonathan Tolman (who holds a bachelor's degree in political science), published a study that month titled "Nature's Hormone Factory," claiming that naturally-occurring chemicals produced by plants and other living organisms are as dangerous as industrial chemicals. In December of that year, CEI submitted comments opposing the EPA's proposed air quality rule to limit particulate emissions, claiming that "the EPA has failed to consider whether the proposed standard may actually increase mortality due to reductions in disposable income that compliance efforts may produce. ... At all times regulation imposes costs that mean less real income to individuals for alternative expenditure. That deprivation of real income itself has adverse health effects, in the form of poorer diet, more heart attacks, more suicides."

In 1997 Boston Globe reporter Jeff Jacoby described CEI as "one of Washington's feistiest think tanks." The same year CEI's Adler lobbied Congress to cut off federal funding for the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation.

In July, it participated in an anti-environmental summit sponsored by the conservative Western States Coalition in Spokane, Washington. Under the theme of "Responsible Legislation Through Education: Solutions That Work," the conference showcased Michael Sanera's attacks on environmental education. Ironically, while much of the conference focused on the alleged indoctrination of school children by environmentalists, the event featured a "trade show" of industry-sponsored K-12 curricula and materials.

CEI was also active in opposing the 1997 international global warming negotiations in Kyoto. CEI staff including Fred Smith, James Sheehan, Jonathan Adler and Marlo Lewis featured prominently in a list of "experts" provided to reporters by the industry-funded Global Climate Coalition. "The campaign against the 1997 Kyoto global warming treaty waged by right-wing think tanks has been another area where corporate America has heavily invested in right-wing policy groups that advance its interest" noted author David Callahan in 1999."The Competitive Enterprise Institute has been a particularly aggressive advocate of the notion that global warming is a 'theory not a fact.' Since 1991, CEI's budget has grown from less than $1 million to over $ 4 million."^[11] Callahan also noted that although the extent to which conservative think tanks rely on corporate funding support varies widely, CEI and the American Enterprise Institute "have two of the highest levels of corporate support, with both getting roughly 40 percent of their 1996 revenues from corporations."

On October 29, 1999, CEI and Consumer Alert submitted comments opposing a proposed rule by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms banning makers of alcoholic beverages from labeling their products with statements about the alleged benefits of "moderate consumption" of alcohol. In March 2001, CEI joined other similar think tanks and experts for hire (including the American Council on Science and Health, Steven J. Milloy, Dennis Avery, Consumer Alert and the National Council on Public Policy Research) in an open letter criticizing Starbucks for its decision to serve milk products only from cows not treated with genetically-engineered bovine growth hormone."Your action is unfounded, and harms consumers and the environment," they stated.

CEI has also worked to cultivate a relationship with John Stossel, the controversial correspondent for ABC-TV's 20/20 program. When Stossel came under fire in August 2000 for citing nonexistent scientific studies on a 20/20 segment bashing organic foods, CEI set up a "Save John Stossel" website to help him keep his job. Stossel returned the favor the following year by working with Michael Sanera to put together a program titled "Tampering With Nature" that focused on attacking environmental education. In March 2001, a pesticide industry front group known as Responsible Industry for a Sound Environment (RISE) sent out an action alert memorandum to its members. "Mr. Sanera has been contacted by ABC News," the memo stated." A producer for John Stossel is working on a program on environmental education. He needs examples of kids who have been 'scared green' by schools teaching doomsday environmentalism in the classroom. ... He has some examples, but needs more. Would you send out a notice to your group and ask if they know of some examples. Then contact Mr. Sanera ... Let's try to help Mr. Stossel. He treats industry fairly in his programs."

Apparently neither Stossel nor CEI applied similar standards of fairness toward the schoolteachers and students they interviewed. Prior to the program's air date in July, several California parents of children interviewed by Stossel filed a complaint with ABC, stating that they had been misled about the nature of the program and the types of leading questions their kids would be asked. Seattle teacher John Borowski also reported being approached] by ABC producer Ted Balaker, who attempted to trick him into appearing on camera by claiming that he was making a documentary about Earth Day, while denying that he was working with Stossel and Sanera.

CEI's commentaries frequently appear in media venues such as ABC's 20/20, American Spectator, Christian Science Monitor, Consumers' Research, Crossfire, Forbes, Good Morning America, Larry King Live, MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour, Moneyline, New York Times, Policy Review, PBS, Reader's Digest, USA Today, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post and Washington Times.

Personnel

CEI employs approximately 40 office people, including support staff and in-house and adjunct policy analysts.

Funding

CEI's Budget

Since 1991, CEI's budget has grown from less than $1 million to over $ 4 million." David Callahan also noted that although the extent to which conservative think tanks rely on corporate funding support varies widely, CEI and the American Enterprise Institute "have two of the highest levels of corporate support, with both getting roughly 40 percent of their 1996 revenues from corporations."

In its IRS Form 990 for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, CEI reported revenues totalling $2,919,537 almost all of which were in the form of contributions from unspecified sources. Its net assets were $1,670,808.

CEI's Foundation Funders

Media Transparency lists CEI as receiving a total of $4,296,645 (unadjusted for inflation) in 123 grants from a range of foundations in the period 1985 through to 2004.

• Armstrong Foundation
• Barre Seid Foundation
• Castle Rock Foundation
• Carthage Foundation Scaife Foundations
• Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation (Koch Family Foundations)
• Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation (Koch Family Foundations)
• David H. Koch Charitable Foundation (Koch Family Foundations)
• Earhart Foundation
• Gordon and Mary Cain Foundation
• Jacqueline Hume Foundation
• JM Foundation
• John M. Olin Foundation
• John Templeton Foundation
• Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation
• Philip M. McKenna Foundation, Inc.
• Randolph Foundation
• Rodney Fund
• Roe Foundation
• Sarah Scaife Foundation (Scaife Foundations)
• Scaife Family Foundations
• Shelby Cullom Davis Foundation
• William H. Donner Foundation

Other Funding Sources

The Capital Research Center (CRC) formerly had a profile on CEI in its database on non-profit groups which listed corporate foundations and other groups not identified by Media Transparency. However, since its profile was linked to this page in 2004, the profile on CEI has been removed from the database.

CEI does not publish a list of its institutional donors. However, in a CEI report sent to Philip Morris, the think tank identified a range of companies and foundations as having given $10,000 or more. Contributors included:

• Aequus Institute
• Amoco Foundation, Inc.
• Coca-Cola Company, contributions were $25,000 per annum for the period 1991-1995;
• E.L. Craig Foundation
• CSX Corporation
• Fieldstead and Co.
• FMC Foundation
• Ford Motor Company Fund
• Curtis and Edith Munson Foundation
• Philip Morris Companies, Inc.
• Pfizer Inc.
• Precision Valve Corporation
• Prince Foundation
• Sheldon Rose
• Texaco, Inc.
• Texaco Foundation
• Alex C. Walker Foundation

In a 2006 profile of CEI and other global warming skeptics, Washington Post reporter Joel Achenbach noted that "the most generous sponsors" of CEI's 2005 annual dinner were "the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, Exxon Mobil, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, and Pfizer. Other contributors included General Motors, the American Petroleum Institute, the American Plastics Council, the Chlorine Chemistry Council and Arch Coal."

Tobacco Industry Funding

A listing of documents specifically about contributions and support from tobacco companies to CEI:

• 1991 - $10,000 donation to CEI from Philip Morris (PM)
• Feb. 9, 1993 - letter from Fred Smith of CEI to Thomas Borelli at PM thanking PM for support.
• 1995: PM gives $200,000 grant to CEI for "general operating support"
• 1995 : PM gives another $10,000 to CEI
• 1997: PM gives $120,000 to CEI
• 1998 PM Public Policy Contributions list. Says PM paid CEI $25,000 via check no. 390006
• (Non-financial item) 1998: Activity Report of Beverly McKittrick of PM states, "Worked on plan for mobilization of third--party conservative groups. Met with CSE, ATRA, Chamber of Commerce,Frontiers of Freedom, and Competitive Enterprise Institute."
• 1999 Public Policy Contributions (PM): $5,000 paid via check No. 20601
• 1999 Activity report of PM's Thomas Borelli states: "Secured policy group committee funding to support the Competitive Enterprise Institute dinner"
• Undated Brown & Williamson document listing pro-business organizations BW contributes to. CEI is on the list: (see top of page 5, "Policy Organizations :Total $325,000")
• In 1999 PM budgeted $25,000 for CEI:

Senior Staff Salaries

Salaries and benefits to its top employees for the year to September 30, 2004 were reported as follows:

• Fred L. Smith, president, $175,000
• Marlo Lewis, Senior Fellow, $100,000
• Sam Kazman, general counsel, $98,000
• Jody M. Clarke, Vice President, $85,000
• Myron Ebell, Director of Global Warming, $82,000
• Martha Hutto, Vice President, $80,000
• Angela Logomasini, Director of Risk & Environment, $67,000
• Emily C. Duke, Vice President, $65,000
• Iain Murray, Global Warming Policy, $65,000
• Clyde Wayne Crews, director, competition & regulatory policy, $54,5000.

Case Studies

• Fuel efficiency standards and the laws of physics
• Smoking as a civic duty
• The Competitive Enterprise Institute And Global Warming

All one needs is some big money (like Exxon or the US Government). Instaed of emploiying your own inhouse PR and propaganda machines to persuade people how to think, hey contract out to teh professional propagandizers (PR or "Public Affairs" specialists). They are for sale to teh highest bidder. This is big business where most of the $100 million dollars a month that the presidential candidates spend. As long as people do not use their critical thinking apparatus, this hype works (as evidenced by most past presidents since TV was invented). Now that we have the internet, these same PR firms will even slant the internet in your favor for a price. After all how far can "Public Affairs" go?

The point is, that the wise internet user should know that these agencies are on the internet promoting the agenda of their employers utilizing all the resources that money can buy. In short if soe one acts liek they are hawking, promoting, or molding public opinion for a special inetrest group, they most likely are albeitthey will deny it.

The following is from one such "PR" (public affairs/propaganda) contractor

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Seems like professional soldiers for the corporate elite or are they corporate elitists serving the military, or both?

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Textbook Case of Climate Misinformation

The Manahattan Intsitute for Policy Research

"The Manhattan Institute concerns itself with such things as 'welfare reform' (dismantling social programs), 'faith-based initiatives' (blurring the distinction between church and state), and 'education reform' (destroying public education)," Kurt Nimmo wrote October 10, 2002, in CounterPunch.

Funded by the richest of the rich such as the Gates Foundation (Microsoft's Bill Gates), Walton Family (Walmart), the Koch Family Foundation.; tobacco, oil, pharmaceutical, and the financial sector.

Founded by William J. Casey director of the CIA from 1981-1987 and implicated in Contragate. It is a right wing 501(c)(3) "think tank" (as in let us do your thinking for you - trust us).

Founder, William J. Casey was the Director of Central Intelligence Agency under Ronald Reagan, See: Operation Cyclone

William J. Casey headed up the successful presidential campaign of Ronald Reagan in 1980, and served on the transition team following the election. After Reagan took office, he named Casey to the post of Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.^[3] During his tenure at the CIA, Casey played a large part in the shaping of Reagan's foreign policy, particularly its approach to Soviet international activity. Based on a book, The Terror Network, Casey believed that the Soviet Union was the source of most terrorist activity in the world, in spite of C.I.A. analysts providing evidence that this was in fact black propaganda by the CIA itself. Casey obtained a report from a professor that agreed with his view, which convinced Ronald Reagan that there was a threat.^[4]

Casey oversaw the re-expansion of the Intelligence Community, in particular the CIA, to funding and human resource levels greater than those before resource cuts during the Carter Administration. During his tenure restrictions were lifted on the use of the CIA to directly, covertly influence the internal and foreign affairs of countries relevant to American policy.

This period of the Cold War saw an increase of the Agency's anti-Soviet activities around the world.

Notably he oversaw covert assistance to the mujahadeen resistance in Afghanistan, with a budget of over $1 billion by working closely with Akhtar Abdur Rahman (the Director General of ISI of Pakistan), the Solidarity movement in Poland, and a number of coups and attempted coups in South- and Central America.

According to a 600-page report by the CIA inspector general, Frederick Hintz, the CIA under Casey was complicit in the Contras' massive narco-trafficking operation which resulted in the crack epidemic.^[5]

Casey was also the principal architect of the arms-for-hostages deal that became known as the Iran-Contra affair.

Hours before Casey was scheduled to testify before Congress about his knowledge of Iran-Contra, he was reported to have been rendered incapable of speech, and was later hospitalized. In his 1987 book, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA 1981-1987, Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward, who had interviewed Casey on numerous occasions, said that he had gained entry to Casey's hospital room for a final, four-minute long encounter - a claim that was met with disbelief in many quarters, and adamant denial by Casey's wife, Sofia. According to Woodward, when he asked Casey if he knew about the diversion of funds to the Nicaraguan Contras, "His head jerked up hard. He stared, and finally nodded yes.

Operation Cyclone was the code name for the United States Central Intelligence Agency program to arm the Afghan mujahideen during the Soviet war in Afghanistan, 1979 to 1989. The Program relied heavily on using the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) as an intermediary for funds distribution. Along with funding from similar programs from Britain's MI6 and SAS, Saudi Arabia and the People's Republic of China^[2], the ISI armed and trained over 100,000 insurgents between 1978 and 1992. Somewhere between $3-$20 billion in US funds were funneled into the country to train and equip troops with weapons, including Stinger man-portable air-defense systems.

On July 3, 1979, U.S. President Carter signed a presidential finding authorizing funding for anticommunist guerrillas in Afghanistan. Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and installation of a more pro-Soviet president, Babrak Karmal, Carter announced "The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan is the greatest threat to peace since the Second World War". American funding started with 20-30 million dollars per year in 1980 and rose to $630 million a year in 1987.

The US government has been criticized for allowing Pakistan to channel a disproportionate amount of its funding to controversial Afghan resistance leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who Pakistani officials believed was "their man". Hekmatyar has been criticized for killing other mujahideen and attacking civilian populations, including shelling Kabul with American-supplied weapons, causing 2,000 casualties. Hekmatyar was said to be friendly with Osama bin Laden, founder of al-Qaeda, who was running an operation for assisting "Afghan Arab" volunteers fighting in Afghanistan, called Maktab al-Khadamat (MAK). Alarmed by his behavior Pakistan leader General Zia warned Hekmatyar that "It was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and it is Pakistan who can equally destroy him if he continues to misbehave". According to a Newsweek article, in the late 1980s, Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, concerned of the growing strength of the Islamist movement, told President George H. W. Bush, "You are creating a Frankenstein". Author Gilles Kepel reports that American funding of Hekmatyar and his Hezbi Islami party was cut off immediately following the withdrawal of the Soviets.

The U.S. says all of its funds went to native Afghan rebels and denies that any of its funds were used to supply Osama bin Laden or foreign Arab mujahideen. It is estimated that 35,000 foreign Muslims from 43 Islamic countries participated in the war.

Sale of non-US arms to Pakistan for destination to Afghanistan was facilitated by Israel.

Antony Fisher

Alongside Casey, the other founder of the Manhattan Institute was Antony Fisher, eventually knighted for all his loyal propaganda work. Notice Fisher called himself a libertarian but showed no restraint in promoting big government as long as it promoted big business, wars, and prions.

Sir Antony Fisher (1915 - 1988)- 1988) was one of the most influential background players in the global rise of libertarian think-tanks during the second half of the twentieth century, founding the Institute of Economic Affairs and the Atlas Economic Research Foundation. Through Atlas, he helped establish up to 150 other think-tanks worldwide. The most promininent include:

• Fraser Institute
• Manhattan Institute
• Pacific Research Institute
• National Center for Policy Analysis
• Centre for Independent Studies
• Adam Smith Institute

History

Eton College-educated Fisher had always been a strong critic of statism. In 1945, he read F. A. Hayek's Road to Serfdom which profoundly influenced him. He sought out Hayek that year in London and talked enthusiastically about politics. Hayek, however, convinced him that think-tanks were the best medium for effecting change in society.

After serving in the Royal Air Force during the Second World War, Fisher moved to farming. In 1952, he took a study trip to the United States, where he visited the still-new Foundation for Economic Education. F. A. Harper of the FEE introduced Fisher to former colleagues from the Agriculture Department of Cornell University, who showed him intensive chicken farming techniques with which Fisher was very impressed. Fisher returned home to start England's first battery chicken farm, Buxted Chickens, which eventually made him a millionaire.

Consequently, Fisher used his money to set up the hugely influential Institute of Economic Affairs with Ralph Harris in 1955. Despite losing his fortune in several ill-advised business ventures (including a turtle-farming operation), in 1971 he founded the International Institute for Economic Research, which went on spawn both the Atlas Economic Research Foundation in 1980 and the International Policy Network in 2001.

Through these operations, Fisher provided financial and operational support for a huge number of fledgling think-tanks, most of which would not exist without his influence.

It was through the Atlas Economic Research Foundation that Fisher was able to extend his beliefs worldwide. By 1984, Fisher was watching over eighteen institutions in eleven countries. Today, Atlas supports and works with around 150 libertarian think-tanks.

In his book Thinking the unthinkable, Richard Cockett sketched Fisher's role in supporting other emerging think-tanks around the world. "On the strength of his reputation with the IEA, he was invited in 1975 to become co-director of the Fraser Institute in Vancouver, founded by the Canadian businessman Pat Boyle in 1974. Fisher let the young director of the Fraser Institute, Dr Michael Walker, get on with the intellectual output of the Institute (just as he had given free rein to Seldon and Harris at the IEA) while he himself concentrated on the fund-raising side," Cockett wrote.

Cockett explained that after his success at the Fraser Institute, Fisher went to New York where in 1977 he set up the International Center for Economic Policy Studies (ICEPS), later renamed the Manhattan Institute. "The incorporation documents for the ICEPS were signed by prominent attorney Bill Casey, later Director of the Central Intelligence Agency".

Cockett comments that "under the directorship of William Hammett the Manhattan Institute became probably Fishers greatest success after the IEA".

In 1977 Fisher moved to San Francisco "with his second wife Dorian, who he had met through the Mont Pelerin Society, and founded the Pacific Research Institute in 1979," Cockett wrote. According to Cockett Fisher and Milton Friedman lived in the same apartment block in San Francisco during the 1980's.

In the late 1970's Fisher assisted Greg Lindsay in the development of the Centre for Independent Studies in Sydney.

"In 1981, to co-ordinate and establish a central focus for these institutes that Fisher found himself start up all over the world, he created the Atlas Economic Research Foundation which in 1987 joined up with the Institute for Humane Studies (IHS) founded by the Mont Pelerin member F.A. Harper in 1961) to provide a central institutional structure for what quickly became an ever-expanding number of international free-market think-tanks or research institutes," Cockett wrote.

According to Cokett, as the international think-tanks proliferated "Fisher used the local and international gatherings of the Mont Pelerin Society to find personnel, fund-raisers and donors for many of the Atlas Institutes".

Fisher died in 1988, only four weeks after being knighted.

Manhattan Institute Policy

Health policy

Benjamin Zycher, Senior Fellow at Manhattan Institute's Center for Medical Progress, opposes allowing the federal government to negotiate prices in the Medicare Part D prescription drug program, and argues that patients and their doctors should make their own decisions to choose drugs like Vioxx, rather than having the U.S. Food and Drug Administration decide on the basis of "bureaucratized ... scientific study."^[5]

The Manhattan Instititute issued a report by Frank Lichtenberg, a business professor at Columbia University, on the adverse effects of drug price negotiating in the Veterans Administration. Lichtenberg said that the VA National Formulary excludes many new drugs. Only 38% of drugs approved in the 1990s and 19% of the drugs approved since 2000 are on the formulary. He also argues that the life expectancy of veterans "may have declined" as a result

In its publication Buying a Movement, People for the American Way describes the Manhattan Institute's agenda as "The Institute '...advocates privitization of sanitation services and infrastructure maintenance, deregulation in the area of environmental and consumer protection, school vouchers and cuts in governmental spending on social welfare programs; it is a preferred source of information'" for New York City Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani.^[5]

They describe their communication strategy as being based around the strength of their "senior fellows". "Their provocative books, reviews, interviews, speeches, articles, and op-ed pieces have been the main vehicle for communicating our message," they state.

"Books are central to our approach. We make every effort to ensure that our authors are published by respected trade publishers and that their books receive as much review attention and publicity as possible. Nothing allows us to make a sustained, comprehensive argument more effectively," the website states.

Charles Murray was one author who was based at the Manhattan Institute while writing the book Losing Ground. Murray is "a far right ideologue who wrote The Bell Curve in 1984, a book that essentially argues black people are genetically and intellectually inferior to white people."

Tobacco issues

Tobacco industry documents reveal relationships between the Manhattan Institute and tobacco companies. The Institute sought funding from tobacco companies, including Brown & Williamson.[1] The Institute has received funding from R.J. Reynolds.[2] In 1991, Lorillard Inc. budgeted a $4,000 contribution of the Manhattan Institute[3] and the same amount in 1996.[4] Philip Morris budgeted $25,000 for the Instutite in 1995. [5]

A 1997 R.J. Reynolds memo reveals RJR's intent to use the Manhattan Institute as a third party to help the company reduce the public's perception of danger from exposure to secondhand smoke:

"Devise ways to educate the public about epidemiology and put risk in perspective. For example, work with Steven J. Milloy, Michael Fumento, CEI Competitive Enterprise Institute, the Manhattan Institute and others to put together a 1/2-hour or 1-hour TV show explaining epi[demiology] and risk. Create an epi/risk website to educate the general public, maybe working with the Harvard School of Public Health. Do the same for journalists."

War on terrorism: axis of evil

In 2001, David Frum left the Manhattan Institute "to join the Bush administration as a speechwriter. It was there that he coined the term 'axis of evil' to describe Iraq, Iran and North Korea. This became the signature phrase of President George W. Bush's 2002 State of the Union speech and shorthand for Bush's war on terrorism."

Immigration: covering all the bases

"In the think-tank world, a leading advocate of a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants is Tamar Jacoby..., an expert at the conservative Manhattan Institute. One of the most implacable voices against any such 'amnesty' is Heather Mac Donald - also of the Manhattan Institute."

Funding sources

The Manhattan Institute received $19,470,416 in grants from 1985-2005, from foundations such as the Koch Family Foundations, the John M. Olin Foundation, Inc., the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the Scaife Foundations, and the Smith Richardson Foundation. ^[7] The Manhattan Institute does not disclose its corporate funding, but the Capital Research Center listed its contributors as Bristol-Myers Squibb, Exxon Mobil, Chase Manhattan, Cigna, Sprint, Reliant Energy, Lincoln Financial Group Foundation, and Merill Lynch.

People affiliated with the Manhattan Institute include:

Lawrence Mone, president Brian C. Anderson, senior editor for City Journal David Asman, former official, now anchor for FOX News Channel Herman Badillo, senior fellow J. Michael Barrett, senior fellow, Center for Policing Terrorism Timothy Connors, director, Center for Policing Terrorism James R. Copland, director, Center for Legal Policy Theodore Dalrymple, contributing editor, City Journal R.P. Eddy, senior fellow, Center for Policing Terrorism Reverend Dr. Floyd H. Flake, adjunct fellow Center for Civic Innovation Nicole Gelinas, contributing editor, City Journal Edward Glaeser, senior fellow David Gratzer (Gratzer bio), senior fellow, Center for Medical Progress Jay P. Greene, senior fellow, Center for Civic Innovation Roger Hertog, philanthropist and Chairman Emeritus of the Institute. Regina Herzlinger, senior fellow, Center for Medical Progress Peter W. Huber, senior fellow, Center for Legal Policy Howard Husock, contributing editor, City Journal Kay S. Hymowitz, contributing editor, City Journal Tamar Jacoby, senior fellow

Stefan Kanfer, contributing editor, City Journal George L. Kelling, senior fellow, Center for Civic Innovation Bill Kristol, Board of Trustees member Heather Mac Donald, senior fellow and contributing editor, City Journal Myron Magnet, editor, City Journal Steven Malanga, senior fellow and contributing editor, City Journal Edmund J. McMahon, senior fellow, Center for Civic Innovation John McWhorter, senior fellow Judy Miller, adjunct fellow and contributing editor, City Journal Peggy Noonan, Board of Trustees member Walter K. Olson, senior fellow, Center for Legal Policy James Piereson, senior fellow, director, Center for the American University Peter Salins, senior fellow, Center for Civic Innovation Max Schulz, senior fellow Sol Stern, contributing editor, City Journal William J. Stern, contributing editor, City Journal Abigail Thernstrom, senior fellow Stephan Thernstrom, senior fellow Julia Vitullo-Martin, senior fellow, director, Center for Rethinking Development Benjamin Zycher, senior fellow, Center for Medical Progress

Notable members of the board of trustees [2] include: William Kristol, The Weekly Standard; Peggy Noonan, of The Wall Street Journal; Robert Rosenkranz, CEO, Delphi Financial Group, Inc; and Andrew Saul, Chairman of the Federal Retirement Thrift Investment Board.

The following are members of the Board of Trustees:

• Dietrich Weisman, Chairman of the Board; Neuberger & Berman
• Byron R. Wien, Vice Chairman; Morgan Stanley & Co.
• Roger Hertog, Chairman Emeritus; Alliance Capital Management
• Charles H. Brunie, Chairman Emeritus; Brunie Associates
• Richard Gilder, Chairman Emeritus; Gilder, Gagnon, and Howe & Co.
• Lawrence Mone, President
• Robert J. Appel, Appel Associates
• Eugene D. Brody, Picanet Partners
• Christopher H. Browne, Tweedy, Browne Inc.
• Andrew Cader
• Timothy G. Dalton, Jr., Dalton Enterprises
• Michael J. Fedak
• Peter M. Flanigan, UBS Warburg
• Mark Gerson, Gerson Lehrman Group
• William B. Ginsberg
• Maurice R. Greenberg, American International Group
• Fleur Harlan
• John W. Holman, Jr., Hintz, Holman & Robillard
• Bruce Kovner, Caxton Corporation
• William Kristol, Editor of the Weekly Standard
• Frank J. Macchiarola, St. Francis College
• Rodney W. Nichols
• Edward J. Nicoll, Instinet Group Inc.
• Peggy Noonan
• Joseph H. Reich, Beginning With Children Foundation
• Richard Reiss, Jr., Georgica Advisors
• Joseph L. Rice, III, Clayton, Dubilier & Rice, Inc.
• Frank E. Richardson, F.E. Richardson & Co., Inc.
• Robert Rosenkranz, Delphi Financial Group
• Nathan E. Saint-Amand, MD
• Andrew M. Saul, Saul Partners
• Paul E. Singer, Elliott Associates, L.P.
• Robert Skidelsky
• Thomas W. Smith, Prescott Investors
• William K. Tell, Jr.
• Thomas J. Tisch, FLF Associates
• Donald G. Tober, Sugar Foods Corporation
• Bruce G. Wilcox, Cumberland Associates, LLC
• Kathryn S. Wylde, The Partnership for New York City

Financiers of neo-conservatism

The "financing of neoconservatism doesn't come from D.C.", Mark Gerson is quoted as saying in the April 27, 2003, New York Observer.

"Instead, said Mr. Gerson, it comes from New York moneymen like Bruce Kovner, chairman of the Caxton Corporation, and Roger Hertog, the vice chairman of Alliance Capital Management. Last year, both financiers helped fund a new newspaper, The New York Sun, now fighting its anti-liberal battle with its New York Times -counterprogrammed slogan, 'A Different Point of View.' Both Mr. Kovner and Mr. Hertog also chipped in to join neoliberal Martin Peretz as co-owners of The New Republic. Mr. Kovner and Mr. Hertog, as enlightened neoconservative businessmen-intellectuals, are also on the board [of trustees] of the Manhattan Institute, where Mr. Gerson and William Kristol are also trustees, as well as the Washington, D.C.-based American Enterprise Institute."

Funding

Between 1985 and 2005, the Institute received $20,629,883 (unadjusted for inflation) in a total of 296 grants from only nine foundations:

• Armstrong Foundation
• Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation
• Brady Education Foundation, Inc.
• Castle Rock Foundation
• Earhart Foundation
• F.M. Kirby Foundation
• Gilder Foundation
• Gordon and Mary Cain Foundation
• Hickory Foundation
• Jaquelin Hume Foundation
• John Templeton Foundation
• John M. Olin Foundation, Inc.
• JM Foundation
• Koch Family Foundations (Claude R. Lambe Foundation)
• Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation
• Randolph Foundation^[12]
• Roe Foundation
• Ruth and Lovett Peters Foundation
• Scaife Foundations (Sarah Mellon Scaife, Carthage^[13])
• Shelby Cullom Davis Foundation
• Smith Richardson Foundation
• Walton Family Foundation
• William E. Simon Foundation
• William H. Donner Foundation

Other affiliations

• Independent Task Force on Immigration and America's Future (ITFIAF)^[14]
• State Policy Networ

The Manhattan Institute supports the Center for Policing Terrorism, dedicated to bringing a police state (state terrorism) to your neighborhood anytime soon.

"The Center for Policing Terrorism brings new thinking and networks of counter-terrorism experts to police departments ranging from the NYPD to the LAPD. CPT brings a world-class counterterrorism capacity to participating local law enforcement agencies and helps them save time, effort and resources."

-Richard Clarke, CPT's founding chairman and
counter-terrorism advisor to four U.S. presidents

"At present, local police are under-utilized in America's homeland-security efforts. One of the Manhattan Institute's top post-9/11 priorities has been to correct this shortsighted policy. The Center for Policing Terrorism's (CPT) lodestar in this effort is the recognition that police can be more than mere "first responders" to terror attacks-arriving after the incident to manage the collateral damage-but can and must act instead as "first preventers"-identifying, monitoring, disrupting, and capturing those who intend to do us harm, before their plots have been hatched.

We were instrumental in the NYPD's post-9/11 transformation-helping it to earn, in the words of ex-Marine boxer and current NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly, "the heavyweight title in counter-terrorism". CPT is now actively working to take the lessons we've both taught and learned to cities and counties across the country.

The CPT leverages a network of wold-class experts to help police departments develop their countterrorism strategies and capabilities more quickly and more efficiently."

Sourc material www.CPT-mi.org (Center for Policing Terrorism),

www.Sourcewatch.org and

Wikipedia

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